By betting on easier visas and higher mobility, New Delhi and Moscow are signalling a determination to democratise their partnership, writes Priyanshu Agarwal. The author is a participant of the Valdai – New Generation project.
India and Russia have established a strong and time-tested strategic partnership in defence, energy, and trade, and this relationship is now expanding into new areas. Tourism has the potential to emerge as a significant avenue for fostering connections between citizens of both nations. The 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit, held in New Delhi in December 2025, highlighted this shift. During the summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin announced the introduction of free 30-day e-tourist visas and group visas for Russian citizens travelling to India. This reflects a strategic shift in perspective, as tourism is now seen not just as a leisure activity but as an essential component that could strengthen the partnership by increasing familiarity and shared economic interests among the people. This evolution demonstrates the maturity of the India-Russia relationship, with both nations recognising that sustainable, long-term partnerships require organic interactions between ordinary citizens, in addition to governmental cooperation. By prioritising tourism infrastructure and visa facilitation, India and Russia are investing in the human aspect of their strategic alliance.
This shift was necessary from an economic standpoint. In FY 2024–25, bilateral trade touched a record 68.7 billion dollars. On paper, this looks like a success story, but the composition of trade reveals a deep imbalance. India’s import bill from Russia stood at roughly 63.84 billion dollars, fuelled largely by discounted crude oil and a surge in fertiliser purchases, which grew by almost 370 percent in just two years. In contrast, India’s exports to Russia were stuck at around 5 billion dollars, driven by a narrow basket of goods such as pharmaceuticals, tea, engineering products, and marine items. The partnership thus became heavily skewed towards energy and raw materials, with little room for services, innovation or small business participation. Policymakers on both sides have realised that this model is unsustainable, and that people-centric sectors like tourism, labour mobility and education are needed to rebalance the relationship.
Tourism is a highly effective catalyst within this strategic framework. The economic impact of tourism is both immediate and far-reaching. It creates forward linkages in sectors such as aviation and marketing, while fostering additional ties in agriculture, handicrafts, and local manufacturing. Unlike large trade agreements, the revenue generated by tourism is distributed throughout local economies, benefiting not only small businesses but also local communities. These interactions also change perceptions on a personal level, reaching areas where traditional diplomacy often falls short. Joseph Nye's influential theory of "soft power" suggests that countries can achieve their strategic goals through attraction and persuasion, rather than coercion. Tourism serves as a perfect example of this concept, as it allows people to experience different cultures naturally. By doing so, tourism helps break down stereotypes and fosters mutual understanding without the need for formal government intervention.
The numbers already show that this corridor is expanding and highlight a huge potential for further development. According to data released by the Moscow City Tourism Committee in November 2025, around 60,000 Indians visited Russia in 2023; by 2024 that number had doubled to roughly 120,000. In just the first half of 2025, Moscow alone received about 40,800 Indian visitors, a jump of around 40 percent over the same period the previous year, making India the second-largest non-CIS source market for Moscow after China. On the other hand, according to data from the Indian Ministry of Tourism, Russian tourist arrivals to India, which had reached a record high of 250,000 in 2019, plummeted during the COVID period. However, they are gradually rising, with around 160,000 Russian tourists visiting India in 2024. Moscow has also reported a sharp rise in Indian business travellers, reflecting renewed corporate interest in Russia, including in sectors such as conferences, incentives and exhibitions that were earlier dominated by destinations like Dubai or Singapore.
Much of this momentum comes from finally tackling the bureaucratic obstacles that kept tourism artificially low. For years, the rhetoric of a “time-tested friendship” was adversely affected by the reality of cumbersome visas, expensive processing and limited direct flights. Russia's decision in August 2023 to launch a streamlined e-visa system for Indian citizens proved to be a watershed moment in bilateral tourism. The process was entirely online, eliminating the need for embassy visits, invitation letters or hotel pre-bookings. Applications received approval within four days, and visas permitted stays of up to 16 days, which was later extended to 30 days. In the first year, around 9,500 e-visas were issued to Indian nationals. The summit in December 2025 further accelerated this trend. India took a significant step by introducing free 30-day e-tourist visas and group tourist visas for Russian citizens, eliminating visa fees entirely and streamlining the application process.
Beyond economics, tourism enhances the longstanding cultural ties that exist between the two societies. Intellectuals like Rahul Sankrityayan have famously written about the deep historical and civilisational connections between the Volga and the Ganges regions. Today, these ideas are not only discussed in academic seminars but also experienced firsthand. Russian interest in India is expanding from a narrow focus on the beaches of Goa to a broader curiosity about yoga, Ayurveda, and spiritual experiences throughout the country. Additionally, India’s cultural outreach in Russia has significantly increased. Events like the “Bharat Utsav” festival in Moscow, with hundreds of performances and close to a million visitors, give Russians a direct taste of Indian music, dance, crafts and cuisine. When such festivals are followed up by regular flights and easy visas, curiosity can quickly turn into actual travel.
Tourism can also quietly support India’s strategic interests in newer geographies like the Russian Far East and the Arctic. India already has clear energy and connectivity stakes in these regions, including through the Chennai–Vladivostok maritime corridor and shipbuilding cooperation. But for most Indian citizens, names like Vladivostok, Sakhalin or Kamchatka still feel remote and abstract. Adventure tourism, nature travel around Lake Baikal, or curated winter tours in Siberia can change that. When Indian travellers start visiting these places, they bring them into India’s mental map, making it politically easier for New Delhi to invest diplomatic and economic capital there. Civilian tourism thus complements military logistics agreements and commercial deals by adding a softer, human presence.
Despite gradual but consistent progress, the India–Russia tourism story is still in its early chapters. Air connectivity remains a major constraint due to sanctions: currently, Aeroflot operates less than twenty direct flights per week in each direction on the Delhi-Moscow, Goa-Moscow, and Goa-Yekaterinburg routes. This leaves a vast scope for connectivity between the major tourist destinations of both countries, particularly when compared to the extensive web of routes linking Russia with China or Turkey. Without more direct connections from cities like Mumbai, Chennai, Bengaluru, Saint Petersburg or Vladivostok, it will be difficult to fully unlock demand beyond a relatively small set of travellers. Similarly, the lag in fully integrating the RuPay-MIR systems creates a financial barrier; as long as travellers are forced to rely on cash rather than seamless digital payments, the destination will struggle to attract premium family segments. Furthermore, a persistent language barrier impedes deeper cultural immersion outside major hubs such as Moscow and St. Petersburg, limiting the space for genuine ‘civilizational’ exchange. Unlocking the sector’s true potential will require deep structural reforms to address the logistical and financial frictions that currently limit growth.
Despite these logistical challenges, the overall direction of progress is noteworthy. By betting on easier visas and higher mobility, New Delhi and Moscow are signalling a determination to democratise their partnership. If these structural challenges can be addressed, the logic remains compelling: placing long-term strategic trust in citizens rather than just contracts. In an increasingly unstable world, developing this dense web of human connections, built through student exchanges, business travel, and shared holidays, could eventually offer a vital layer of societal resilience. It may not yet equal the weight of the traditional pillars, but it offers one of the most durable insurance policies for the relationship’s future.
