Valdai Club

America’s image as a “responsible superpower” has faltered, but it is unlikely that American allies in other regions will learn from this story. For Eurasia, the Taliban’s coming to power is fraught with not leaving, but returning the topic of combating terrorism to the current agenda, and the advanced American weapons left in Afghanistan hypothetically bring this struggle to a new technological level, writes Valdai Club expert Maxim Suchkov.

Technology has become one of the most important spheres in the race for power in the 21st century. The two main technology ecosystems – the American and the Chinese – have clearly taken shape by the beginning of the third decade of the new century. A dilemma for Russia in this regard is whether to join one of the existing platforms or develop one of its own. The choice in favour of the fi rst option implies negotiating the conditions for joining. The second option requires a more ambitious strategy that will determine the key parameters of a Russian techno-ecosystem.

The two countries realised early on that in the era of the de-Westernisation of the international system, Russia could become a resource for strengthening Turkey’s own strategic sovereignty, while Turkey could lend Russia the authority of a great power amid the erosion of the monolithic position of the West, write Valdai Club experts Maxim Suchkov and Andrey Sushentsov.

Trumps electoral stance is not as disastrous as the Democrats say, but overall it is indeed weaker than it was four years ago. In addition, today his opponents treat him with great attention and seriousness, and direct more resources and energy to ensuring that he doesnt get a second term in office, Valdai Club expert Maxim Suchkov writes.

The two countries have come a long way in recent years to iron out many differences or at least use them for constructive discussions at the diplomatic and top level. It is important to make the right use of the accumulated experience in cooperation, writes Valdai Club expert Maxim Suchkov.

The parties do not give up their strategic interests. The Iranians will keep their ambitions for regional dominance, even if they are forced to reshape right now. The Americans will keep their intentions to warm up the Iranian regime from the inside. There is nothing new in Donald Trump’s call for negotiations.

The political antagonisms of the modern world have reached a degree that is indeed alarming. No less destabilizing than the lowered pain threshold that used to guard against the use of force or wars between the states – is the visible imbalance between the advancing technological warfare capabilities and the lack of practical experience in using these technologies.

The logic of Pompeo’s movements and those of other high-ranking representatives of the State Department in recent days, as well as the nature of their discussions with their political opponents seems to boost the likelihood of a more forceful option — perhaps by organising a major provocation that will “force” America to take even tougher measures against Iran

Over the years of his presidency, Donald Trump has “accustomated” the international community and the global media to react excitedly to every provocative post he makes on his favourite social media platform, Twitter. It is more difficult to accustomate this audience to a radical revision of American foreign policy, especially when it comes to such a tricky region as the Middle East. His substantial change in the long-term related US agenda has caused, on the one hand, fears of new tensions, and on the other hand, criticism of the president for undermining the US’s positions with such initiatives and for strengthening the US’s opponents.

Unlike the Cold War summits, such as the Gorbachev-Reagan summit in Reykjavik in 1986 when upon his return home the General Secretary of the Community Party was accused of "surrendering positions" to Washington, now it is the US president that is being accused of "selling out his country."