The Valdai Discussion Club Foundation, in cooperation with its partners, launched a new research project on Eurasian integration with a workshop in Shanghai on November 16-17. The aim of the project is to examine the entire Eurasian space in four dimensions and from four perspectives. The four dimensions are economic, political, security and social; and the four perspectives are Russian, Central Asian, Chinese and EU/US.
Over 200 Russian and foreign experts attended the 10th meeting of the Valdai Club. The participants focus on analyzing the internal processes and external challenges to work out a vision of Russia in the future.
Evaluating Russia’s development index during the annual poll this year, experts of the Valdai Discussion Club spoke positively about the country's growing role in national, regional and global security, foreign policy and soft power. Most negative assessment was given to performance of Russia’s political institutions, public confidence in them and the dynamics of economic development.
The research poll analyses five basic valuable aspects of contemporary Russian identity. In particular, the respondents were proposed to reflect over following principal aspects: culture, religion, ethnicity, self-identification, patriotism etc.
This report is based on discussions held at the Valdai Club's Middle East Dialogue conference, which took place in Marrakesh, Morocco, on May 14-15, 2013. The event was attended by high-profile politicians from the Middle East and North Africa, including leaders of Islamist movements, as well as prominent experts, analysts and journalists from Russia and around the world.
While Russia has reduced its deployed strategic warheads and deployed missiles and bombers to levels below New START’s limits, U.S. strategic forces remain well above. The United States should accelerate treaty implementation, particularly of the limit on deployed strategic warheads.
America is in a specific position because it's still the strongest military power on the global scene. But it is not the only leader, and we are entering a phase where we have kind of a multipolar world, where there are regions, like America, South America, Europe, Russia, Asia.
In the midst of a significant American political crisis, it is easy to forget that twenty years ago, Russia’s former president Boris Yeltsin shelled Moscow’s White House—where the country’s parliament met at that time—in a considerably more dramatic and probably more consequential executive-legislative conflict than today’s in Washington. Yet Americans would do well to remember the events that led to the October 1993 crisis.
American exceptionalism is the chief source of friction in U.S. relations with the likes of Russia and China, as well as other non-Western centers of power, as well as the reason for the profound re-thinking of U.S. foreign policy. Again, it all comes down to exceptionalism. As long as that remains a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy philosophy, relations with global centers of power that do not recognize U.S. leadership or the universality of its values will remain gridlocked.
President Barack Obama’s claim that American ideals and principles make the country “different” and “exceptional” is a dangerous doctrine. It echoes an equally evocative doctrine that was expounded some eight decades ago in Europe with disastrous consequences.
The near-term prospects for progress on arms control—whether on further strategic nuclear reductions, confidence and transparency measures regarding non-strategic weapons or missile defense—are uncertain. The White House has left the door open, and U.S. officials continue to engage their Russian counterparts in hopes that Moscow might decide to take a more forthcoming approach.
"Recent events surrounding Syria have prompted me to speak directly to the American people and their political leaders. It is important to do so at a time of insufficient communication between our societies," Putin said in the op-ed, entitled "A Plea for Caution from Russia," which was posted on the US newspaper's website Wednesday.
Many in the West regard the Putin’s Russia with suspicion and see her as aggressive. Many elements of the new Russian idea seem to base on a pure rejection of Western liberalism. To be effective, Russia has to become more attractive – for her own people and foreigners, who share traditionalistic-conservative ideals. Russia’s new conservatism must be formulated in the form of “soft power”.
Last week, the Russian Federation marked the 20th anniversary of its Constitution; the Russian president delivered his annual State of the Nation Address before the Federal Assembly; as commander-in-chief of the armed forces, he also met with the military top brass. This is an opportune moment to sum up the state of Russia in 2013 and look ahead, in terms of its political system, economic, foreign, and security policies.
Russian leaders have promised several times to set Iskander, it’s tactical missile complex, on the boarders of the European Union in response to a European missile defense. So, it’s no surprise that they are saying it again. Discussion on European security is depressing. The world is changing: Europe is becoming a strategic periphery.
Turkey and Russia are natural players in Middle East developments in a historical context, and both countries continue to play their roles. But there will be no political unity between the two countries as far as Turkey remains in NATO and continues its negotiations with the EU. Turkey joining the Customs Union seems possible but not realistic.