Central Asian states are inclined to cooperate with Russia but also want to build relationships with the United States and other NATO countries directly, without Moscow or Beijing. External threats (whether from the Taliban or color revolutions) have faded, and Central Asian states are embracing a balance policy.
The Russian Navy recently announced that it is sending a number of warships to conduct exercises in the Mediterranean. What’s more, these ships are expected to stop in Tartus, the Russian refueling facility in Syria, and several of the ships are carrying naval infantry.
The civilizational linkages, spiritual and cultural affinities of both nations form the basis of deep understanding between each other, which has always defined India-Russia cooperation as a time tested and rock solid.
The issue of the transportation of Caspian energy resources took on a new dimension at the start of summer, when disputes over the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline (TAPI) intensified.
Russia would like to see a comprehensive agreement, whereby Tehran agrees to stop its nuclear weapons programme in return for the end of sanctions and reintegration of Iran into the international community.
New ties between Russia and Japan would mark not only a breakthrough in their relations but also a significant shift in Northeast Asia’s political dynamic. Both are secondary players in a region overshadowed by an increasingly assertive China, which has not hesitated to push against the boundaries of its neighbors.
The structure of Nagorno-Karabakh is a Canton-like. There were regions dominated by the Azerbaijanis, there were regions dominated by the Armenians. Without the return of all the people who would like to go back there, we cannot talk about any recognition of Nagorno-Karabakh or discussions of this issue.
Violent suppression of protests can lead not to stabilization but just the opposite. It forces Yanukovych to seek solidarity only in Moscow. It puts Russia in a position where it will again be involved in Ukrainian politics. And in this murky swamp, we have repeatedly gotten bogged down.
The consequences of marketisation and competitive capitalism in Russia not only changed the form of inequalities but greatly amplified them both between and within regions. There is a polarisation between the rich and the poor in the richest areas which is paralleled, though to a slightly less unequal extent, in the poorer regions. The same economic principles work in all regions, despite some being more poorly endowed than others.