Senior Fellow and Director of the Russia and Asia Program at the World Security Institute in Washington, D.C. Member of the Valdai Discussion Club.
Serves on the editorial boards of several international academic periodicals, and is the Executive Editor of Demokratizatsiya.
Previous positions: Professor at Moscow State University; joined the Center for Defense Information in Washington, D.C. (2001) as a Senior Fellow; Director of Russian and Asian Programs; President Emeritus of Washington Profile.
Research interests: Russian foreign and domestic policies, Russian-American relations, foreign and domestic policies of the Eurasian countries, international security.
Selected publications: The author of 11 books and more than 250 academic articles published in more than 15 languages. Books: “International Communications“ (2004),“The New Second World Order: Geopolitical Puzzles”, “Confrontation. USA-Russia”(with Vladimir Soloviev), and “In Washington’s Corridors of Power: The Moods of the American Elite” (with Lev Belousov) (all published in 2009). His editorial opinions have appeared in The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, International Herald Tribune, and The Chicago Tribune, among other publications.
The Magnitsky Act is a political mistake of the US elite and is unlikely to produce the desired results. This is potentially dangerous because the new law is unlikely to be short-lived. Just like the Jackson-Vanik Amendment, this act will remain part of US legislation for decades to come.
One of the main features of the Civic Platform party is its Federal Civic Committee, which unites people involved in the party’s projects without them being members of it. The time of traditional political parties was drawing to a close.
Obama is better for Russia, but it is unclear what to expect of him in a second term. Russian-U.S. relations will continue to be both predictable and unpredictable – any escalation in tensions will prompt us to continue counting missiles.
Russia should operate based on its national interests. If Russian national interests require that certain U.S. officials are banned from entering Russia, then the Russian Foreign Ministry should do so because it’s in Russia’s national interests, and not because it’s a response to actions by the U.S. This passive aggressive position doesn’t suit Russia.
What will be the function of the prime minister? Will Dmitry Medvedev become a token prime minister like his predecessors during Putin’s first two presidential terms, performing a purely technical role while the president actively presided over the government?
Putin has to decide whether he has to get rid of some people, how many, who and so on. Or he can ignore this public demand for new faces and bring his own team, his St. Petersburg team, or the people who have been around him for the past 20 years, and keep them, ignoring the public mood for changes in government.
Putin is a self-sufficient and confident leader. This is both a positive and a negative. He has a systemic approach and a cohesive picture in his head that helps him orient himself in domestic affairs. These are his strong points as a politician.