First deputy chairman of the State Duma International Affairs Committee, Co-Founder and President of the Polity Foundation (since 1993); Executive Board Director of the Russki Mir Foundation (since 2007). Member of the Valdai Discussion Club.
Non-paid adviser to the Chief of Staff of the Executive Office of the Russian President, member of the Political Consultative Council under the Russian President, member of the expert council of the Presidential Commission on Countering Political Extremism, member of the Human Rights Commission under the Russian President, Vice-President of the Moscow branch of the Presidential Programs Fund, Presidium Member of the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy, board member of the Russian Socio-Political Center.
Previous positions: junior, senior research fellow at the Subdepartment of Recent and Most Recent History in the Moscow State University History Department (1978-1988); After two years of work as a full-time secretary of the Soviet Communist Party Committee at the History Department of Moscow State University, was transferred to the Soviet Communist Party Central Committee as an instructor and later as head of a sector in the Ideological Division (1988-1989); Staff Member of the Executive Office of the U.S.S.R. President; adviser and head of the group of socio-economic analysis and political forecasting, aide to the staff head (1991); aide to the chairman of the KGB of the U.S.S.R. (1991); Adviser with the Department for Political and Inter-Ethnic Studies at the International Economic and Social Reforms Foundation (the Reforma Foundation of Sergei Shatalin, member of the Russian Academy of Sciences) (1992); Deputy of the 1st State Duma, chairman of the Subcommittee on International Security and Arms Control of the International Affairs Committee (1993-1995); President of the Unity for Russia Foundation (2003).
In the past two decades, the state of Russian science and education has been widely described as catastrophic. The depression in Russia's academic quarters in the '90s led to the loss of a whole generation, which was expected to form the nation's modern intellectual elite. There has been a lot of controversy recently over the problem of effectiveness at Russian universities, the National Academy of Sciences and other academic establishments.
The attitude of Russians to the United States is largely determined by the latter’s military and political activities. At the same time a mere 18% of Russians have negative impressions of the United States. As for Americans’ views on Russians, they are generally positive despite anti-Russian rhetoric in the media.
No matter what Putin does, he is unlikely to change the views of those who consider him an “enemy of democracy.” The majority of our society continues to regard Putin as all but the most lucky and successful leader. When he became president for the first time, Russia had a smaller economy than Belgium.
The cabinet is pretty balanced – there are people who worked with Dmitry Medvedev when he was President, and there are people who worked with Putin during both his terms as President and Prime Minister.
Russian has official status as a state language in only one country outside the Russian Federation, which is Belarus, and two unrecognized states, which are South Ossetia and Abkhazia. All other countries prefer not to use Russian as an official language, including Ukraine.
European dimension of Russia's economic policy is absolutely critical, though Russia will definitely try to become not just a European or Eurasian power but a Euro-Pacific power. Which means Russia is also a part of the fastest growing part of the world, which is Asia Pacific.
The role of one of the regional elites was absolutely decisive, namely, the Russian Federation. Yeltsin and the Russian Federation were the key factors in the fall of the Soviet Union. For Yeltsin, one of the few ways to get in the Kremlin was to essentially overthrow President Gorbachev