Senior Research Fellow, Russian and Eurasian Studies and International Energy Security, The Heritage Foundation. Member of the Valdai Discussion Club.
Previous positions: Regularly testifies before U.S. Congress, writes for The Wall Street Journal, International Herald Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, and appears on CNN, FOX, BBC, and in other international media. Member, Council on Foreign Relations; International Institute for Strategic Studies; Association for Study of Nationalities. Advisory Boards: Institute for Analysis of Global Security; Central Asia and Caucasus Journal, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.
Research interests: Russia, Ukraine, Central Asia and the Caucasus.
Author of several books about Russia and Eurasia, including “Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis” (1993), “Eurasia in Balance” (2005), “Kazkhastan: The Road to Independence” (2008).
For the past two and a half years, Russia has been America’s major opponent around the world, from Syria to Iran to Europe. U.S.–Russian relations are on the rocks. America is ready to improve them if Moscow plays ball, and Russia stands to gain if the relations improve. It is up to President Putin to reach out to the U.S. and reverse the current deterioration.
The problem is, the Obama White House and State Department are losing interest in the post-Soviet space, and their interest may decline even further following the departure of NATO forces from Afghanistan.
The Kremlin delivered a diplomatic blow to U.S.–Russian relations when Moscow granted former NSA analyst Edward Snowden a temporary political asylum. Now, the White House may cancel a U.S.–Russia summit that was scheduled for early September, and Obama’s Russian reset policy will require significant re-examination.
The range of political opposition forces is very broad in Russia. It is very difficult to imagine radical nationalists, Communists and liberals working on the same team. The opposition must unite, or it will be dealt with as wolves deal with rabbits.
A Eurasian Union that evolves into a Russian sphere of influence would adopt a mercantilist approach to the global economy. It will likely monopolize regional security, could threaten regional stability, and undermine economic and political freedom in Central Asia and beyond.
Moscow and Obama’s White House view the missile defense dispute through the prism of a broader U.S. political agenda—and disagreements, such as efforts to further reduce U.S. and Russian nuclear forces, Moscow’s continuous support of the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria, Russia’s lack of real opposition to Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons, and North Korea’s truculence.
A grey cardinal, a con artist, fortune’s darling, the face of the era – Russian and foreign experts agree on one thing: the late Boris Berezovsky was an extraordinary and at the same time contradictory man.