Senior Research Fellow, Russian and Eurasian Studies and International Energy Security, The Heritage Foundation. Member of the Valdai Discussion Club.
Previous positions: Regularly testifies before U.S. Congress, writes for The Wall Street Journal, International Herald Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, and appears on CNN, FOX, BBC, and in other international media. Member, Council on Foreign Relations; International Institute for Strategic Studies; Association for Study of Nationalities. Advisory Boards: Institute for Analysis of Global Security; Central Asia and Caucasus Journal, Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs.
Research interests: Russia, Ukraine, Central Asia and the Caucasus.
Author of several books about Russia and Eurasia, including “Russian Imperialism: Development and Crisis” (1993), “Eurasia in Balance” (2005), “Kazkhastan: The Road to Independence” (2008).
Moscow and Obama’s White House view the missile defense dispute through the prism of a broader U.S. political agenda—and disagreements, such as efforts to further reduce U.S. and Russian nuclear forces, Moscow’s continuous support of the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria, Russia’s lack of real opposition to Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons, and North Korea’s truculence.
A grey cardinal, a con artist, fortune’s darling, the face of the era – Russian and foreign experts agree on one thing: the late Boris Berezovsky was an extraordinary and at the same time contradictory man.
Under Obama’s “reset” policy, Russia got what it wanted: a START ballistic missile reduction agreement that benefited Moscow; U.S. prolonged involvement in Afghanistan, where Americans are killing those who may threaten Russia’s allies and its own soft underbelly; the de-facto recognition of Russia’s “sphere of exclusive interests” in the former Soviet Union, and a much-coveted membership in the World Trade Organization.
Americans now are convinced that China is catching up or already overtook the United States as the next “peer-competitor” - not Russia. Islamist terrorism is also perceived as transnational threat, not Russia. In Russia, on the other hand, the perception of the United States as an adversary fluctuates, it depends on the situation and media coverage.
The Russian position on the missile defense issue is an attempt to influence the architecture and the numbers and the physical characteristics of U.S. missile defense, which is essentially aimed at rogue states or accidental launches. And in that respect, one wonders why Russia is so much against it.
For Washington, Putin’s doubts about the G-8’s capacity to accomplish anything significant and his close relations with China should turn on the red light with regards to the hallowed U.S.-Russian “reset” policy.