The Valdai Discussion Club Foundation, in cooperation with its partners, launched a new research project on Eurasian integration with a workshop in Shanghai on November 16-17. The aim of the project is to examine the entire Eurasian space in four dimensions and from four perspectives. The four dimensions are economic, political, security and social; and the four perspectives are Russian, Central Asian, Chinese and EU/US.
Over 200 Russian and foreign experts attended the 10th meeting of the Valdai Club. The participants focus on analyzing the internal processes and external challenges to work out a vision of Russia in the future.
Evaluating Russia’s development index during the annual poll this year, experts of the Valdai Discussion Club spoke positively about the country's growing role in national, regional and global security, foreign policy and soft power. Most negative assessment was given to performance of Russia’s political institutions, public confidence in them and the dynamics of economic development.
The research poll analyses five basic valuable aspects of contemporary Russian identity. In particular, the respondents were proposed to reflect over following principal aspects: culture, religion, ethnicity, self-identification, patriotism etc.
This report is based on discussions held at the Valdai Club's Middle East Dialogue conference, which took place in Marrakesh, Morocco, on May 14-15, 2013. The event was attended by high-profile politicians from the Middle East and North Africa, including leaders of Islamist movements, as well as prominent experts, analysts and journalists from Russia and around the world.
This book was published by Cambridge University Press in February 2013. The author’s academic interests include the political processes in the USSR and present-day Russia and symbols inherent in the political regimes. One of his earlier books is entitled Symbols and Legitimacy in Soviet Politics and as such is the predecessor of the work under review. The author explores the symbolism of post-Soviet Russia, which emerged, spontaneously and without purposeful efforts from on-high, in the place of the emasculated and hollowed out Soviet symbols.
Published by Stockholm Text Publishing AB in 2012, the book looks at privatization in Russia over the two decades between the dissolution of the Soviet Union and 2011. Ericson focuses on the oligarchs and their characters, together with the power they gained along with their huge volume of capital. The narrative is extensively peppered with biographical details, giving insight to the personalities behind the events. Additionally, the author gives a brief history of Russia so as to help readers better understand the country’s developments in the late 20th – early 21st century.
Published in 2013 by Yale University Press, London. Its author has repeatedly visited Russia and lived there for a long time as Reuters Moscow correspondent. In his new book, Judah analyzes the career of President Vladimir Putin and the political situation in Russia.
Russia is clearly still a long way from anything that we are used to seeing in the West, but the Moscow Mayoral election, bizarre as its circumstances are, show signs of a step in the right direction.
It is obvious that Russia and Vladimir Putin intend to build pragmatic cooperation with all those ready to build relations on equal and mutually beneficial terms. China is a very conven-ient partner in this regard. There is no need to remind of all the assessments made by leaders of both countries during the course of their high- and top-level meetings.
New ties between Russia and Japan would mark not only a breakthrough in their relations but also a significant shift in Northeast Asia’s political dynamic. Both are secondary players in a region overshadowed by an increasingly assertive China, which has not hesitated to push against the boundaries of its neighbors.
The structure of Nagorno-Karabakh is a Canton-like. There were regions dominated by the Azerbaijanis, there were regions dominated by the Armenians. Without the return of all the people who would like to go back there, we cannot talk about any recognition of Nagorno-Karabakh or discussions of this issue.
Violent suppression of protests can lead not to stabilization but just the opposite. It forces Yanukovych to seek solidarity only in Moscow. It puts Russia in a position where it will again be involved in Ukrainian politics. And in this murky swamp, we have repeatedly gotten bogged down.
The consequences of marketisation and competitive capitalism in Russia not only changed the form of inequalities but greatly amplified them both between and within regions. There is a polarisation between the rich and the poor in the richest areas which is paralleled, though to a slightly less unequal extent, in the poorer regions. The same economic principles work in all regions, despite some being more poorly endowed than others.
Since the end of the Cold War, our common interests and challenges have outweighed our differences and disagreements. Today the United States and Russia continue to cooperate on a range of vital security and economic interests, including ensuring non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the modern age, reducing nuclear weapons stockpiles, as well as collaborating on regional issues, such as Afghanistan, Iran, North Korea, Syria, and the Middle East Peace Process.
Investing US resources in some kind of new Great Game in the region is both wrong-headed and impractical. Russia and China border on the region and have obvious economic and security interests there. On the practical side, the United States is far away.
Now the issues that arises is about the focus of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the way it is going to move forward in the coming years. Afghanistan is going to get adequate attention within SCO and will become significant for the organisation in the coming years.
The world order laid down by the Atlantic Charter was based on U.S. military and economic dominance. To all intents and purposes, Washington will maintain its military dominance for the foreseeable future. Economic dominance is another matter.
Moscow finds itself trying to hammer out an agreement containing enough economic sweeteners to keep Mr Yanukovich from swaying back towards the EU but not so generous that it could be exploited by Ukraine – and low-key enough that it will not be seen as Russian meddling in its neighbour’s affairs.
In a lightning visit to Moldova, Secretary of State John Kerry pledged American support on Wednesday to help this former Soviet republic develop closer political and economic ties with the European Union. Moldova’s look West had not escaped the attention of the Kremlin.
The diminishment of Russia as a powerful state is critical to Washington’s agenda for world hegemony. If Russia can be rendered impotent, Washington’s only concern is China. The Obama regime’s “Pivot to Asia” announced Washington’s plan to surround China with naval and air bases.
Russian energy company OAO Gazprom will present draft proposals responding to European Union competition concerns about its pricing and other practices in coming days. The possible breakthrough in the competition case comes amid heightened tension between Russia and EU over ties to the Ukraine.
As Ukraine turns away from closer relations with the European Union and further into the embrace of Russia, the Obama administration is saying little about it or the resulting street protests, for fear of provoking a fracture with the Kremlin.
The deep dividing line, of which Ukraine today is a victim, is between the EU and Russia. Moscow has always seen the EU's engagement in Eastern Europe as competitive interference, and there have been not just a few moments in which the confrontation was out in the open - during the 2003 Rose Revolution in Georgia, the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, and in 2008, with the war in Georgia.
Russia's economy ministry cut its economic growth forecast Tuesday for this and the next two years, substantially lowering the outlook for capital investment and industrial production. Russia has enjoyed a decade of oil-fueled growth but is now facing tougher times amid low investment, weak demand for its exports and a lack of infrastructure reforms.